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| Tuesday, May 26, 2009 : تاريخ آخرين ويرايش کليه حقوق مندرجات اين صفحه براي عبدالله شهبازي محفوظ است. آدرس ايميل: abdollah.shahbazi@gmail.com ااستفاده از مقالات با ذکر ماخذ مجاز است. چاپ مقالات به صورت کتاب ممنوع است.
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هر آنچه منتشر ميشود به قصد و هدف آگاهی رسانی و روشنگری است۰ ما حق "آزاد ی بيان" و" قلم" را جزء لاينفک مبارزه خود ميدانيم! ما را از بر چسب و افترا زدن باکی نيست! سلام به شهدای خلق! سلام به آزادی!
۱۳۸۸ اسفند ۸, شنبه
Al-Hadidiyeh, February 2010: Israel effectively pressuring Palestinian Bedouin community to leave the Jordan Valley
B'TSELEM - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories was established in 1989
Al-Hadidiyeh, February 2010
Israel effectively pressuring Palestinian Bedouin community to leave the Jordan ValleyThe Jordan Valley is classified as Area C and is, therefore, under complete Israeli control. Israel has imposed harsh restrictions on building and movement there that apply to Palestinians alone, effectively pushing them to leave area.
Click to enlarge
Life in al-Hadidiyeh
(Photos by Eyal Hareuveni and Noam Raz, of B’Tselem, unless otherwise noted)
The Civil Administration does not allow Palestinians to build in Bedouin areas in the valley and systematically demolishes the temporary structures in which they live and raise their flocks. The army limits the movement of Palestinians between the valley and the rest of the West Bank, allowing only Palestinians registered as residents of the valley to enter it in private vehicles. Palestinians from elsewhere in the West Bank are allowed to enter only on foot or by public transportation. The separation of the Jordan Valley from the rest of the West Bank severely infringes the human rights of many Palestinians.
The Bedouin community of al-Hadidiyeh is situated in the north of the Jordan Valley. The settlements Ro’i and Beka’ot were built east of it, partially on its farmland. ‘Abd a-Rahim Bsharat, 60, who has lived in the community his whole life, estimates that there are ten families, a total of 91 persons, now living in it, in three small clusters. The residents, like those of many other small Bedouin communities in the Jordan Valley, gain their livelihood by raising sheep and goats and by working their land.
In the census taken by Israel in 1967, the authorities registered all persons living in the area as residents of the nearby towns of Tammun and Tubas. Therefore, there is no official information on the number of residents who lived in al-Hadidiyeh at the time. Bsharat estimates that before 1967, there were about 2,500 residents, some of whom fled to Jordan after the war.
Since the mid-1970s, Israel has pressured the residents to abandon their land, along with establishing settlements in the area. Bsharat describes how the army fined shepherds who grazed their flocks on land near the settlements, and how, in some instances, soldiers fired at the flocks, killing several sheep and confiscating animals. In recent months, B'Tselem has documented several cases in which residents of al-Hadidiyeh claimed that the security coordinators of Ro’i and Beka’ot assaulted or harassed them while they were grazing their flocks, in an attempt to distance them from the settlements. The testimonies paint a worrisome picture of army and police support for the security coordinators’ harassment of the shepherds.
Three years ago, the Israeli High Court of Justice ordered that the residents of al-Hadidiyeh be removed from their homes, accepting the position of the Civil Administration that the residents were living on land classified as “agricultural” in plans drafted by the British Mandate in the 1940s. The High Court also accepted the state’s position that their living on the site posed a security threat because of its proximity to the Ro’i settlement.
In recent years, the Civil Administration demolished the shacks of the Bsharat family and others in the community four times. Currently, the Civil Administration threatens to demolish all the shacks in the community yet again.
Click here to enlarge map
Map: the small community of al-Hadidiyeh and the settlements built near it.
The harsh restrictions Israel places on movement of Palestinians in the Jordan Valley make life very difficult for the residents of al-Hadidiyeh. In addition to the general restrictions, the army has blocked access from the community to the Alon Road (Route 578), by placing a dirt pile on a connecting dirt road that crosses fields cultivated by Ro’i settlers. To reach the Alon Road, residents of al-Hadidiyeh must cross through part of the Ro’i settlement itself, and when the gate to the settlement is closed, they have to travel a much longer route, which runs between Ro’i and Beka’ot.
Residents of al-Hadidiyeh receive all their services from the towns of Tammun and Tubas, which are situated in Area A. The shortest way to the two towns is along a dirt road leading to Tammun, a trip that takes 15 minutes. The army placed a gate on the road that it opens only twice a week, at set times in the morning and afternoon. Only persons registered with the army as residents of the area, including residents of al-Hadidiyeh, are allowed to pass. At other times, the residents must drive to the Hamra checkpoint, about 30 minutes’ travel south of al-Hadidiyeh, and from there north to Tammun or Tubas, a trip that takes another 30 minutes.
Persons requiring medical treatment also have to use this route. The army does not allow Palestinian ambulances to cross the Hamra checkpoint to go to Palestinian communities in the Jordan Valley, even in emergency cases. The ambulances have to wait at the checkpoint for the patient to be brought to them.
The community has no school, and to get to their schools in Tammun, the children from al-Hadidiyeh have to travel the long way via the Hamra checkpoint. To enable them to attend school regularly, many of the children spend weekday nights with relatives in Tammun.
The residents of al-Hadidiyeh also have trouble marketing their produce throughout the West Bank since it is hard for West Bank merchants to reach al-Hadidiyeh and nearby communities.
Al-Hadidiyeh is not hooked up to the power grid and does not have running water. The nearby settlements, on the other hand, are hooked up to the Israeli power grid and are supplied water by the Beka’ot 1 Pumping Station, which was built by the Israel’s water company, Mekorot. Although the pumping station is adjacent to their land, residents of al-Hadidiyeh have no choice but to buy water from private contractors, who come to the area every few days and charge up to 200 shekels for 10 cubic meters of water, four times the price Mekorot charges in Israel and in the settlements.
February24 2010: Hamas report to UN shamefully evades responsibility
On 3 February 2010, the Hamas government submitted a 52-page report to the UN in advance of the debate in the General Assembly on the report of the Goldstone Fact-finding Mission. The Hamas report discusses, among other things, the measures the government has taken to implement the mission’s recommendations and the investigations it has carried out regarding breach of international law committed by its forces during Operation Cast Lead, and provides clarifications relating to attacks from within the Gaza Strip against civilians and civilian objects in Israel.
According to the Hamas government, its consistent position has been that, in accordance with international law and the principles of Islam, only military objects may be attacked and it is absolutely forbidden to attack civilians and civilian objects. Palestinian armed groups are also committed to this principle, the report states. However, it adds, since these groups are not an organized army with technologically advanced weapons, when a military target is determined, it is not possible to ensure that the fire will not go awry and strike civilians.
The Hamas government adds that the main objective of the rocket fire is political, and that the fire is a limited and modest response to Israeli aggression. The rocket fire, it claims, is intended to transmit a message that they intend to act to end the occupation and protect themselves. Also, it adds, there is a clear difference between rocket fire as an expression of resistance, which every weak side does in response to aggression, and control of the results of the launched rockets due to deficient technological capability.
These claims are baseless, both with respect to the facts and to the provisions of international humanitarian law.
First, the vast majority of attacks were intentionally aimed at civilian objects in Israel, with the declared purpose of striking them. Israelis living near Gaza suffered for many years from the ongoing rocket fire, and during that time members of Hamas and of other armed groups expressly stated that the rocket fire was intended to strike civilians. In addition, to the best of B'Tselem’s knowledge, these communities and the areas adjacent to them did not contain legitimate military objects against which attacks could ostensibly be made.
Second, the armed groups’ imprecise weapons and lack of advanced technological capability only aggravate the severity of their actions. The prohibition imposed by international humanitarian law does not apply only to attacks aimed at civilians, but also forbids the use of weapons that are insufficiently precise to distinguish between civilian objects and military objects. The use of such weapons is completely forbidden, even when the side using them has no alternative means.
Third, rocket fire that is intended only to transmit a “political message” and that is “limited and modest” also contravenes international humanitarian law and basic morality. For many years, Israelis in the area lived in constant fear, not knowing where the next attack would strike, which made their lives intolerable. Imposing terror on a civilian population is absolutely forbidden, and the claim that the firing was minimal and symbolic demonstrates the perpetrators’ shameful disregard for human life.
The Hamas government has the obligation to conduct an effective and independent investigation to investigate the claims that armed Palestinian groups who operated in the Gaza Strip during the operation attacked Israeli civilians, and to prosecute the persons responsible for violation of international humanitarian law. The Hamas government must also investigate the claims that these groups harmed and endangered the lives of Palestinians, and prosecute everyone responsible for those acFeb. '10: Israel Police arrests children aged 12 to 15 in night raids in Silwan, East Jerusalem
established in 1989
17 Feb. '10: Israel Police arrests children aged 12 to 15 in night raids in Silwan, East Jerusalem
In recent months there have been many cases in which minors aged 12-15 from Silwan, in East Jerusalem, were arrested in the middle of the night by police officers and Israel Security Agency agents accompanied by armed border policemen. The minors were taken out of their beds and brought to the police station in the Russian Compound, in West Jerusalem. Some of them were brought handcuffed, and none of the parents were allowed to accompany them. At the station, the minors were interrogated on suspicion of stone throwing. According to testimonies that some of them gave to B'Tselem, the interrogators beat and threatened them.
The series of arrests was apparently carried out in light of the ongoing friction between residents of Silwan and the settlers in nearby Beit Yehonatan and security personnel guarding it, in which context Palestinian children in the neighborhood throw stones at the building.
In his testimony to B'Tselem, Muhammad Dweik, 12, described his arrest in the middle of the night:
"Around 4:30-5:00 in the morning, I woke up from the sound of knocking at the door. Shabak [ISA] agents asked my father for the ID card of Muhammad Dweik. My father told them that I don’t have an ID card. When I went over to them, I got the feeling they were surprised by how young I am, but they had an arrest warrant. My father asked them to let me stay at home and said he would bring me to the police station in the morning, but they refused. They tied my hands behind me and took me. The policemen put me into a Border Police jeep. A friend of mine was also inside it. A policeman who sat next to me kept kicking me in the leg all the way."
Lu’ai a-Rajabi, 14, told B'Tselem about his arrest and interrogation on 10 January 2010:
"During the interrogation, when I denied that I had thrown stones at the settlers’ house, the interrogator punched me in the nose. I was sitting on a chair, my hands and legs cuffed, my nose bleeding, and the interrogator was standing in front of me. He drew a bicycle on the board hanging on the wall and told me to get on it. I said, “How can I do that?” He said, “Everyone knows how to ride a bike!” When I refused to do it, he hit me on my head and face with his hands. I remember that, at some point, two men came into the room and said to me, “Don’t you want to confess?” I said, “Confess to what?” Then, while I was sitting on the chair with my hands cuffed, the three interrogators began to beat and kick me all over my body, and to swear at me and Allah. [...]
I asked to go to the bathroom and to get some food, but the interrogator refused. He told me to sign a paper written in Hebrew that says nobody beat me. I refused to sign. Then he began to slap me in the face."
The next day, a-Rajabi was brought before a Magistrates Court judge, who extended his detention to an entire week.
Ahmad Siyam, 12, was also arrested on 10 January. In his testimony, he related how he waited for the interrogation to begin at the Russian Compound.
"We got to the Russian Compound. They put me in a room and told me to sit on my knees facing the wall. Whenever I moved, a bald guy in civilian clothes hit me on the back of the neck with the palm of his hand. We were the only ones in the room. Around 5:00 in the morning, I asked to go to the bathroom, but he didn't let me and told me to turn my head back to face the wall. I refused, and he pushed me to the wall. My nose hit the wall and began to bleed. I asked for paper to clean my nose, but he didn't want to give me any. Then he told me to bow down to him on the floor and ask for him to forgive me, but I refused to do it. I told him I don’t bow to anyone but Allah. While this was going on, my legs began to hurt a lot. I was really frightened and started to shake. After that, the bald guy made himself a toasted cheese sandwich. He threw a piece of cheese at me, but missed. From time to time, he pressed my shoulders, which really hurt."
Mahmoud Gheith, 14, was arrested under similar circumstances in November 2009. He told B'Tselem that he was released from detention with a restraining order requiring him to stay away from his house for one month.
"Since the arrest, I haven’t been able to sleep properly. I keep being afraid that they’ll arrest me again.
After they released me, I was under house arrest at my uncle’s house in Beit Hanina. They ordered me to stay away from home for a whole month. On the ‘Eid al-Adha festival, they let me go home to Silwan for four days. My uncle had to drive me to school in Silwan. On days when he couldn’t take me, I didn’t go to school."
The authorities’ treatment of these minors completely contravenes the Youth Law, as amended in 2008 (Amendment No. 14). Under the Law, a minor who is suspected of committing a criminal offense is entitled to consult with a parent or another relative prior to being interrogated, and to have the parent or relative present at the interrogation. The Law also generally prohibits interrogating a minor at night and states that a minor should not be arrested if the objective can be achieved in a less harmful way. In the present case, some of the parents were willing to undertake to bring the minors in for interrogation in the morning, and there was no need for the night arrests.
These actions by the authorities severely violated the human rights of the minors, all of whom are Israeli residents. There is no logic to conducting a military-style arrest operation in the middle of the night, with the aim of interrogating children suspected of throwing stones, and this course of action cannot be justified on any grounds. It is hard to believe that the security forces would have acted similarly against Jewish minors.
B'Tselem sent urgent letters to the Jerusalem District Police Commander, Maj. Gen. Aharon Franco, and to the head of the Department of the Investigation of Police, Herzl Shviro, demanding that police, ISA, and Border Police operations to detain minors in Silwan cease. If any child from the neighborhood is suspected of having committed a criminal offense, he can be summoned for questioning in the presence of an adult on his behalf. Also, the questioning must be conducted by youth interrogators.
کتابی تحقيقی پيرامون سرگذشت و سياست های قوام السلطنه (حضرت اشرف
کتابی تحقيقی پيرامون
سرگذشت و سياست های قوام السلطنه (حضرت اشرف)،
نقدی بر تاريخنگاری ايدئولوژيک
به خامه ی
خسرو شاکری (زند)
بزودی منتشر خواهد شد
علاقمندان می توانند اين کتاب را با ارسال نامه به نشانی زير سفارش دهند؛ علاقمند به تاريخ نهضت ملی نيز می توانند تعداد بيشتری ازين کتاب را با پيش خريد را برای همشهريان خود سفارش دهند.
qavamstwilight@yahoo.com
اين کتابی است در نقد تاريخنگاری مکتبی (ايدئولوژيک) که بهترين نمونه آن به فارسی در تيررس تاريخ. زندگی سياسی قوام السلطنه (حميد شوکت، تهران، 1386) است. اين کتاب مفصل آن نوشته ی مکتبی، متدولوژی و محتوای آن را – که به طرز بيسابقه ای بر پايه ی تحريف از طريق حذف اسناد، انتحال (سرقت متن)، جعل، مداحی و ستايش از يک سياستمدار بنا شده است – بر اساس اسناد آرشيو های بريتانيا، ايالات متحده ی آمريکا، فرانسه، شوروی پيشين (مسکو و باکو)، و با بهره گيری از کتبی تحقيقی به قلم تاريخنگاران و تاريخشناسان آکادميک و همچنين بسياری اسناد به زبان فارسی منتشر شده طی سه دهه ی اخير، بدون تعارف های معمول نقد می کند. هدف ازين کتاب شناساندن متدولوژی علمی تاريخنگاری برای بازسازی تحليلی تاريخ و طرح و نقد شيوه های نادرستِ ايدئولوژيک کوشش در تاريخنگاری است، که تاريخنگاری را در خدمت مقاصد سياسی می نهد.
در اين کتاب همچنين نشان داده می شود که کسانی که در باره ی کتاب مورد نقد – سرگذشت قوام – بجای نقد به مداهنه ی مؤلف پرداخته اند، خود از دانش تاريخی و متدولوژی نقد کتاب در زمينه ی تاريخ بی بهره اند و خوانندگان خود را به بيراهه «هدايت» کرده اند.
عنوان های بخش های مختلف اين کتاب عبارتند از:
متُدولوژي ادعايي و مسائل مؤلف:
«شکاکيت شفاف» يک ستايشگر؛ مسئله ي پانويسي و رعايت مباني ارجاع مؤلف؛
نقد محتواي كتاب و برخورد مؤلف به بازسازي تاريخي؛
پيشينه ي قوام چه بود؟، خلع سلاح مجاهدان مشروطه، دو سند تاريخي:نشان فراماسونري قوام السلطنه و نامه ی قوام السلطنه به وزير مختار بريتانيا در تهران (۱۳۰۰)؛
کودتاي سوم اسفند و قوام:
نخستين صدارت قوام، قتل کلنل محمد تقي خان پسيان، دشمني قوام با مطبوعات آزاد، صدارت قوام و خدمات او به قدرت هاي بيگانه؛
از شهريور ۱۳۲۰ تا سي ام تير ۱۳۳۱:
همكاري قوام با آلمان هيتلري و دولت نظامي و تجاوزگر ژاپن، بازگشت قوام به نخست وزيري پس از شهريور ۱۳۲۰، بحران آذربايجان زمينه ي نخست وزيري قوام، ششمين دوره ي نخست وزيري قوام و «حلّ» بحران آذربايجان، اولتيماتوم ترومن به استالين، تسليم شدن استالين و امر او باقراُف را براي جمع کردن بساط فرقه ی دموکرات، تشكيل حزب قوام به نام «دموكرات ايران،» مخالفت عمومي با تقلبات انتخاباتي دولت قوام براي مجلس پانزدهم و نقش مصدق، مجلس مخلوق تقلبات انتخاباتي و سرنوشت قول هاي او به شوروي، قوام در رأس «بند جيمي ها»؛
سي ام تير ۱۳۳۱ و غروب شوکت قوام:
بازگشت کوتاه قوام به ايران، بازگشت قوام به قدرت و كوشش براي سركوب نهضت ملي در ۳۰ ام تير ۱۳۳۱، شاه در برابر نهضت ملي، برنامه ي سرنگوني مصدق از نخستين ماه هاي نخست وزيري او، قوام نخست وزير درشتخو و سنگدل، اختلاف کاشاني با مصدق، «پاک کردن» قوام خيابان ها را از «عوام»، قتل رزم آرا و افسانه ي پيرامون آن، روايت سرهنگ مصوّر رحماني از قتل رزم آرا، دفاع از يک ديکتاتور و مصدق آماج حملات ناروا، باز هم مصدق همچون «نافي» عُرفيت، باز هم درباره ی مصدق و نقش مخرب باند سه-گانه، مغازله ی چه کسی؟ با فدائيان اسلام و قشريّـون؟
مصدق و قانون:
چه کسي نقض قانون مي کرد: مصدق يا کاشاني؟، مصدق و اختيارات، بازهم پيرامون کاشاني و مصدق، توطئه ي نهم اسفند، لندن، واشنگتن، واختلاف کاشاني با مصدق، «ورشـکستگي» سياست اقتصادي مصدق؟، مفهوم ناجي در تاريخ ايران، نهضت ملي و افسران ارتش؛
جنگ سرد ... و مسئله ی نفت ايران:
آمريکا و مسئله ي نفت، آغاز همدستي کامل آمريکا با بريتانيا، مصدق و حزب توده، حزب توده و کودتا، قوام و «دکترين» سياسي وي؛
نامه ي قوام السلطنه به پرزيدنت آيزنهاور؛
وضعيت دولت کودتايی زاهدی-شاه، جانشين دولت قوام؛
خلقيات و روحيات قوام؛
نتيجه گيري؛
پيشگفتار:
۱- نگرش استالينيستي به حزب توده، ۲- توجيهي در پاسخ به منقدان،۳- تکرار همان پوچ گوئي ها در سفر هاي تبليغاتی؛
نكاتي پيرامون نوشتار کتاب؛
کـتـابـنـامه
همراه با اصل اسناد مورد استفاده و گراوُرهای چهره های از بازيگران سياسی دوره ی مورد مطالعه:
اسنـــاد تاريخی (نامه ها)
دو نامه و سه سند منسوب به قوام خطاب به آقا عبدالله بهبهانی
دو تلگراف قوام‌السلطنه به مشيرالدوله
مکتوب شخصی وزير مختار بريتانيا به نخست وزير قوام
پاسخ قوام السلطنه به نامه ی شخصی وزير مختار بريتانيا
نامه ی قوام السلطنه به وزير مختار بريتانيا سر پرسی لورِين
تلگراف والی آذربايجان دكتر مصدق به رئيس‌الوزراء قوام
تلگراف دوم والی آذربايجان دكتر مصدق به قوام‌السلطنه
نامه ی رئيس مجلس شورای ملی مؤتمن المللک به قوام
نامه ی نخست وزير قوام السلطنه به علماء
در باره ی بستن روزنامه های ميهن و پژوهش
نامه ی دكتر مصدق به نخست وزير قوام‌السلطنه
به مناسبت انتخابات مجلس پانزدهم
نامه ی سرگشاده ی دكتر مصدق به نخست وزير قوام‌السلطنه
به مناسبت توقيف سيد ضياء الدين طباطبائی
نامه های احمد قوام به علي اميني
نامه ی نخست قوام السلطنه به محمد رضا شاه
نامه ی دوم قوام السلطنه به محمد رضا شاه
تلگراف احمد قوام به مظفر فيروز
نامه ی دكتر مصدق در جواب مرقومه ی ابوالقاسم كاشاني
يادداشت قوام پيرامون دکترين او برای ايران
نامه‌ي بقايي به محمدرضا پهلوي پس از کودتای 28 مرداد
نامه ی قوام السلطنه به رئيس جمهور آيزنهاور و پاسخ آن
فهرست گراوُرهای اسناد
1 - نامه ي منسوب به احمد قوام خطاب به سيد عبدالله بهبهاني، شوال 1324 قمري/نوامبر 1906
2 - نامه ي قوام السلطنه به سيد محمد طباطبائي سنگلجي، 1285
3 - تلگراف والي خراسان قوام به نخست وزير در باره ي کلنل پسيان و مهدی قلی خان، 5 ميزان (مهر) 1299
4 - تلگراف والي خراسان قوام به نخست وزير در باره ي کلنل پسيان، 7 جدي (دي) 1299
5 - نامه ي مأمور اينتليجنس سرويس سمارت به سيد ضياء، 7 آوريل 1921/18 فروردين 1300
6 - وزارت جنگ به نخست وزير سيد ضياء پيرامون کلنل پسيان، 29 حمل (فروردين) 1300
7 - تلگراف قوام به کلنل پسيان، 13 جوزا (خرداد) 1300
8 - نامه ي سرّي قوام از زندان سيد ضياء به وزير مختار بريتانيا، [ارديبهشت 1300]
9 - نامه ي قوام به وزير مختار بريتانيا پيرامون دفع کلنل پسيان 7 سنبله (شهريور) 1300
10 - نامه ي قوام به وزير مختار بريتانيا پيرامون دفع کلنل پسيان، 12 سنبله (شهريور) 1300
11 - نامه ي قوام به وزير مختار بريتانيا پيرامون دفع کلنل پسيان، 18 سنبله (شهريور) 1300
12 - نامه ي دوم قوام به وزير مختار بريتانيا پيرامون دفع کلنل پسيان، 18 سنبله (شهريور) 1300
13 - وزيرمختار بريتانيا بريجمن به نخست وزير قوام پيرامون روزنامه عصر آزادی شيراز ، 1921/1300
14 - نامه ي قوام به وزير مختار بريتانيا پيرامون دفع کلنل پسيان، 11 ميزان (مهر) 1300
15 –نامه ي کلنل پسيان برای دريافت کمک از انقلابيون خارجی،10 ميزان (مهر) 1300
16 - نامه ي قوام به وزير مختار بريتانيا پيرامون توقيف روزنامه شفق سرخ، 3 سنبله (شهريور) 1301
16 - نامه ي قوام به وزير مختار بريتانيا پيرامون توقيف روزنامه شفق سرخ، 18 سنبله (شهريور) 1301
17 - نامه ی وزيرمختار بريتانيا به رضاخان در باره ی توقيف مطبوعات، 3 اسد (مرداد) 1303
18 - گزارش سفارت آمريکا پيرامون کابينه ي قوام، 1343/1322
19 - گرده ي سرگذشت قوام، سفارت بريتانيا، 1944/1323
20 – گزارش دفتر خدمات استراتژيک آمريکا پيرامون دولت قوام، 27 ژوئيه 1944
21 - گزارش محمد حجازي به سفارت بريتانيا در باره ی قوام و شاه، 1322
22 - نامه ی چهار تن از وزرای قوام پيرامون پيگرد رشيديان و شرکاء بخاطر توطئه در همکاری با عامل اينتليجنس سرويس مستر ترآُت، 4 مهر 1325
23 – نامه ی قوام به مظفر فيروز پيرامون تحويل اسلحه ياغيان و توطئه ی رشيديان ...، 1325
24 - گرده ي سرگذشت قوام، سفارت بريتانيا، 1946/ 1325
25 - نامه ي قوام به حسين علاء در باره ي شکايت به شوراي امنيت، 1946/1325
26 - صفحه 1 ترجمه ي انگليسي برنامه ي حزب دموکرات قوام, 1325
27 – نامه ی دکتر مصدق به قوام پيرامون انتخابات مجلس پانزدهم، آبان 1325
28 - استعفاي وزاري قوام، 1326
29 – نامه ي قوام به علی اميني، 16 اسفند 1326
29 – نامه ي قوام به علی اميني، 7 فروردين 1327
29 – نامه ي قوام به علی اميني، 21 اسفند 1327
30 - عنوان جزوه ي حزب دموکرات قوام در باره ي اختيارت شاه، 1327
31 - گرده ي سرگذشت قوام، سفارت بريتانيا، 1949/1328
32 - صفحه ی آخر نخستين نامه ي قوام به شاه، 26 اسفند 1328
33 - نامه ي دوم قوام به شاه، 25 خرداد [1329؟]
34 –نامه ي مصدق به مجلس پانزدهم پيرامون مسئله ي نفت، 30 تير 1328
35 - يادداشت قوام در باره ي دکترين اش، اواخر 1329
36 - نامه ي ابوالقاسم کاشاني به حسن تقي زاده، 13 آبان 1330
37 - مذاکره ی واسطه ی قوام با هندرسون، 18 ژوئيه 1952
38 - مذاکره ي سفارت آمريکا با واسطه ي قوام، 12 سپتامبر 1951
39 - گزارش سفارت بريتانيا در باره ي فدائيان اسلام، مارس 1952/1331
40 - سرمقاله ی رزم، نشريه ی سازمان جوانان حزب توده درباره ی نخست وزير مصدق, 30 تير 1331
41 - نامه ي مصدق به خانواده ي شهداي سي ام تير، 1331
42 – تشريح وضعيت ايران توسط وزارت خارجه ي آمريکا برای رئيس جمهور، در فرداي سي ام تير، 21 ژوئيه 1952
43 - گزارش سفارت آمريکا پيرامون کابينه ي مصدق پس از سي ام تير، 30 ژوئيه 1952
44 - تحليل وزارت خارجه ي آمريکا پيرامون وضعيت سياسي ايران پس از سي ام تير، 9 اوت 1952
45 - نامه ي ابوالقاسم کاشاني به شاه، نهم اسفند 1331
46 - گزارش سفارت آمريکا پيرامون رابطه ي مصدق و شاه پس از نهم اسفند 1331
47 - نامه ي منسوب به کاشاني ارسالي براي مصدق، 27 مرداد 1332 (در متن کتاب)
48 - نامه ي قوام به پرزيدنت آيزنهاور، دهم ژانويه 1954/ 20 دی 1332
49 - صفحه يکم ترجمه ي نامه ي قوام به پرزيدنت آيزنهاور، دهم ژانويه 1954
50 - پاسخ وزارت خارجه ي آمريکا به نامه ي قوام به پرزيدنت آيزنهاور، نهم فوريه 1954/ 20 بهمن 1332
51 - نامه ي قوام به سردار فاخر حکمت در باره ي ضبط اموالش، 26 ارديبهشت 1333
52 - نامه ي بقايي پس از کودتاي 28 مرداد به شاه به زبان فرانسه، 24 آبان 1333
53- گزارش سفارت بریتانیا در باره ی مقاصد قوام برای ایجاد دیکتاتوری
نويسنده ي کتاب، خسرو شاکري، استاد بازنشسته تاريخ
تدريس در مؤسسه ي تحقيقات عالي علوم اجتماعي،
Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, , Paris
محقق مهمان در مؤسسه ي تحقيقاتي جورج کِنان:
Resident Scholar, Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies,
W. Wilson International Center for Scholars Washington, D.C.
استاد مهمان در دانشگاه کاليفرنيا، لوس انجلس (UCLA) استاد مهمان دانشگاه دو پال، شيکاگو: (DePaul University, Chicago)
محقق مهمان در دانشگاه هاي هاروارد و شيکاگو
نايب ويراستار دانشنامه ي ايرانيکا؛ دانشگاه کلمبيا (Encylopaedia Iranica) [94-1992]
عضو هيئت تحريريه و يکي از سه ويراستار کتاب جمعه، زير نظر احمد شاملو، تهران
برخي از آثار:
ميلاد زخم. جنبش جنگل و جمهوري شوروي سوسياليستي ايران، تهران، ۱۳۸۶
The Soviet Socialist Republic of Iran, 1920 1921: Birth of the Trauma, Pittsburgh Univ. Press, Pittsburgh, 1995.
پيشينه هاي اقتصادي-اجتماعي جنبش مشروطيت و انکشاف سوسيال دموکراسی
در آن عهد، تهران ۱۳۸۴
